Skip navigation
Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://arks.princeton.edu/ark:/88435/dsp01w0892f039
Full metadata record
DC FieldValueLanguage
dc.contributor.advisorTruex, Rory-
dc.contributor.authorBaughman, Margaret "Maggie"-
dc.date.accessioned2021-07-23T12:35:56Z-
dc.date.available2021-07-23T12:35:56Z-
dc.date.created2021-04-11-
dc.date.issued2021-07-23-
dc.identifier.urihttp://arks.princeton.edu/ark:/88435/dsp01w0892f039-
dc.description.abstractChinese influence operations have been systematically understudied and underestimated because they use different tactics, and pursue different goals, than their Russian and Iranian counterparts. China’s strategic interests in international relations center on building stability and credibility on a global stage. To that end, the Chinese government formulates its overseas social media operations to promote a positive picture of China, and stifle questions of human rights abuses, dissent, and territorial aggression. However, scholarship on China’s influence operations lacks comprehensive data on how, and by whom, these campaigns are planned and executed. This thesis addresses this gap in the literature and builds a new model of China’s overseas influence operations based on a novel data source: public procurement contracts. By collecting hundreds of Chinese government procurement contracts related to “overseas social media operations,” I demonstrate that China’s approach to propaganda has evolved beyond the “50-cent army” model that has dominated the literature for the last decade. I use quantitative methods to prove that China is increasingly outsourcing its social media operations to private sector firms, coopting the expertise and best practices these companies developed in commercial spaces. I construct a detailed model of the government entities who solicit these services, the suppliers who fulfill social media influence contracts, and the types of campaigns that dominate the market. I demonstrate that government users from all administrative and geographic levels are frequently and increasingly outsourcing overseas social media campaigns. These campaigns are largely comprised of “nation branding” and “positive messaging” efforts aimed at dominating the conversation surrounding China and crafting a “benign” international image. They are implemented by a growing marketplace of companies with diverse business scopes and backgrounds, all with experience in media and marketing. As a secondary, methodological contribution, I demonstrate that examining government procurement data facilitates a proactive approach to countering social media-based propaganda. Through reversing the process policymakers use to identify influence operations on Western social media, starting with the actors, and learning what kinds of behavior they are engaged in, (rather than identifying the action and then attempting to attribute it), we can predict, rather than merely respond to, attempts to manipulate social media users.  en_US
dc.format.mimetypeapplication/pdf
dc.language.isoenen_US
dc.title“Selling China’s Story Well:” The Chinese Government’s Pivot to “Privatized Propaganda” on Western Social Mediaen_US
dc.typePrinceton University Senior Theses
pu.date.classyear2021en_US
pu.departmentPrinceton School of Public and International Affairsen_US
pu.pdf.coverpageSeniorThesisCoverPage
pu.contributor.authorid920076451
pu.certificateApplications of Computing Programen_US
pu.mudd.walkinNoen_US
Appears in Collections:Princeton School of Public and International Affairs, 1929-2023

Files in This Item:
File Description SizeFormat 
BAUGHMAN-MAGGIE-THESIS.pdf1.33 MBAdobe PDF    Request a copy


Items in Dataspace are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise indicated.