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Title: On Resumptive Pronouns in Slavic
Authors: Chidambaram, Vrinda Subhalaxmi
Advisors: Williams, Edwin S
Contributors: Slavic Languages and Literatures Department
Keywords: clitics
relative clauses
Subjects: Linguistics
Slavic studies
Issue Date: 2013
Publisher: Princeton, NJ : Princeton University
Abstract: "On Resumptive Pronouns in Slavic" is a first step toward a generalized theory of pronouns that accounts for the behavior of both ordinary and resumptive pronouns. I adopt the definition of resumption proposed by Boeckx (2003) who analyzes resumptive pronouns as pronouns stranded by the movement of an NP sister. In contrast to Boeckx's theory, I argue that every definite pronoun enters the syntax as a D<super>0</super> sister to its NP or DP referent. [DP her [DP the linguist ] ] The central argument of the dissertation rests on this proposed universal pronominal structure, called the <italic>stacked DP</italic>, which consists of a maximal DP (DP<super>MAX</super>) containing a pronominal D<super>0</super> and an internal DP (DP<super>INT</super>). I suggest that the single parametric difference resulting in resumptive vs. non-resumptive type languages is the ability of the internal DP to raise independently of the pronoun. In other words, any language in which the DP<super>INT</super> is independently mobile (i.e. it can move without pied-piping the pronoun) will contain resumptive pronouns. This analysis of the syntactic structure of pronouns extends to all instances of pronouns, including those that do not occur in a resumptive context. A natural question to follow from this is what becomes of the NP/DP sister of the pronoun in contexts not involving any resumption, as in the following sentence: (i) I met her yesterday. I propose that the NP/DP referent is frequently deleted by a PF operation, Pronominal Associate Deletion (PAD): If D<super>0</super> is a personal pronoun and XP is a sister to D<super>0</super>, then XP is deleted. If the XP referent raises during narrow syntax, the conditions for PAD will not be met at PF. As a result, both the XP and the pronoun will be pronounced. In addition to this PF rule, I propose an LF condition to account for the interpretation of pronouns, the Pronominal Reference Condition (PRC): In DP<super>MAX</super> whose D<super>0</super> is a pronoun, interpret D<super>0</super> as co-referential with the NP also dominated by DP<super>MAX</super>. These two operations, in combination with the stacked DP internal structure of pronouns, provide the means to explain a wide array of phenomena relating to the occurrence of resumptive pronouns, including Macedonian clitic doubling, Hebrew interrogative <italic>wh</italic>-resumption, optional resumption in B/C/S and Slovak, and resumption in Slovene superlative clauses.
Alternate format: The Mudd Manuscript Library retains one bound copy of each dissertation. Search for these copies in the library's main catalog
Type of Material: Academic dissertations (Ph.D.)
Language: en
Appears in Collections:Slavic Languages and Literatures

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